At 11 pm on December 19, 2001, the President of the Argentine Republic, Fernando de la Rúa, in a short speech to the nation, proclaimed a state of emergency with the aim of protecting people and things from looting, which was increasingly widespread. However, he reaffirms his intention to carry out his unspecified socio-economic program. A few moments later, marked by an unreal silence, metallic noises burst into the streets of Buenos Aires – and other Argentine cities – destined to become cacerolazo, protest to the sound of casseroles. In the hours immediately following, floods of people spontaneously poured into the Plaza de Mayo, known in the international news as the hemicycle of the peaceful protest of the mothers of the disappeared. of the unfortunate period of the military dictatorship (1976-83), stigmatized by the document drawn up by a public health committee, chaired by the writer Ernesto Sábato, entitled Nunca más (“Never again”).
The popular empire, shouting ¡Que se vayan! (“go away!”), is transformed into an authentic, self-convened, constitutional congress, which, similar to what occurred in 1810 at the first movements of the independence of Latin America from Spain, takes place in front of the ancient town hall, the Cabildo, with the aim of re-appropriating a decision-making power which has so far been delegated to political representatives. The people – it is argued – demand the return of the institutional mandate, in order to be able to respond adequately to the challenges of the economic and administrative emergency.
The authorities, affirming that they must protect the majority of the population peacefully gathered to protest from the assaults of the marginalized and the hungry, attracted by the vital urgency and the residual sense of civil solidarity, induce the police apparatuses to act with particular violence, in this regard. to restore a minimum of social order. The police – poorly paid and at the service of a system that functions as a simulacrum of democracy in an alleged post-industrial order – reacts in an unscrupulous way, even raging against old people and children.
The following day, Plaza de Mayo is filled with young people, who face the police attacks with determination, also to make a support apparatus of a state devoid of consensual legitimacy less and less credible. The clashes result in five deaths and an unknown number of injuries. The speech of December 20, 2001 by the President of the Republic, aimed at easing tensions and buying time in the search for an unlikely solution, arouses even more acute popular rejection. People invade like a rising tide, as well as Plaza de Mayo, Plaza del Congreso and Plaza del Obelisco and radiate through all the streets of the Rioplatense capital.
The infiltration of vandalism in the ranks of demonstrators is matched by a start of police violence, which ends with the death of 30 people and the wounding of a very high number of demonstrators. For Argentina travel information, please check zipcodesexplorer.com.
In this scenario, it is suspected that some members of the officialist party (of Peronism-menemist) have entered the conurbation of Buenos Aires, induced by circumstances to draw personal profits in terms of political ambitions. Kidnappings, thefts and the re-explosion of conflicts that have weakened in the recent past rekindle conflicts not only between opponents, but also within the government structure, of radical-conservative inspiration. At 9 pm on 20 December, the President de la Rúa is forced to resign and take leave of those councilors who increase his responsibilities in the eyes of observers. His departure from the scene is considered a necessary sentence for the
The population, in its compendium of middle class, working class, unemployed and marginalized, faces a political situation with no spare leaders.
The neoliberal model, applied in Argentina, results in the exclusive benefit of the financial potentate, which operates with ruthlessness in all the squares of the planet. The culture of evocation, typical of immigrant communities between the second half of the 19th and the second half of the 20th century, is interconnected with that of modernity, which involves the transformation of the agrarian economy into the industrial economy and an adequate restructuring of this in the service economy. Argentina finds itself engaged in a service economy without having completed and perfected the industrial economy. It received from the Europe of the era of totalitarianism the suggestions necessary to implement, albeit rhapsodically, an authoritarian conception of political and social events,
The recent popular revolt paradoxically magnifies the unrealistic demands of individuals and groups who claim their leadership without being able, in the media age, to indicate a strategy and an organization capable of carrying it out. The request of the car- driven people to keep a Cabildo abierto, a constituent body permeated by the will of those who consider themselves directly committed to resolving the contradictions of their country, proposes a historical path already attempted in the 1930s with certainly not edifying results. Popular sovereignty, which is not depositary, as well as vis controversy, of a program that reconciles community needs with world economic dynamics, ends in protest. So much so that, within ten days, Argentina is amazed at the election of five presidents (whose stay at the Casa Rosada is, on average, two days), until the parliamentary appointment of the current president Eduardo Duhalde.